The Hungarian political police chiefs and their underlings, 1957-1990
I assume that Ricsi thinks that while the victims of the Hungarian political police were all Christians, the beneficiaries of the system were the Jews. I hate to disappoint him. Although Gábor Tabajdi and Krisztián Ungváry don't mention the leaders' religious affiliation or ethnic origin, the two historians managed to compile fairly detailed biographical notes on all the sixty-odd people who played important roles within the organization between 1957 and 1990. On the basis of these biographical notes I can safely state that the number of people with Jewish backgrounds was small.
For instance, the authors identified eighteen people in leading positions between 1957 and 1962. Out of these eighteen only three, perhaps four, have a Jewish background: Jenő Hazafi, Ervin Hollós, László Kunos, and possibly Károly Hidegkúti. All others were non-Jews. The social and educational backgrounds of three of the four in no way differed from the other fourteen. Hazafi had a sixth-grade education after which he learned a trade: engine fitting. Hollós worked for a furrier, again with very little formal education. Károly Hidegkúti finished only eight grades and worked in a textile factory. The only exception was László Kunos who finished high school in 1940. Because he lost his parents and his brother in the Holocaust it is not surprising that he became a devotee of the new regime. However, in 1962, most likely because his rigid adherence to the old style dictatorship was no longer acceptable, he was dropped and ended his career as an accountant in a smallish state enterprise.
Moving along, let's take a look at the chiefs of the National Security Division (Állambiztonsági Főcsoportfőnökség) designated by the Roman numeral III. There were seven of them over the years. Out of these seven six were definitely not Jewish and because the last chief was born in 1936 and the only thing the authors know about his early life is that his father was a printer working in the Ministry of Interior, we cannot be sure. In addition the authors list thirty people who served in different important capacities under these chiefs. Out of these thirty I could identify only one as Jewish.There are about five or six section chiefs whose biographies don't give any clues one way or the other.
So any generalization about a Jewish preponderance in running the Hungarian secret service is based on prejudice rather than on facts. The Kádár regime was careful to avoid an overrepresentation of Jews in the top echelon of the party organization (in contrast to Mátyás Rákosi's government). As far as the secret service was concerned, the main criterion seemed to be a working class or peasant origin. The regime trusted people whose upward mobility was due entirely to the communist party and whose early life was marked by poverty. To these people the new regime brought incredible rewards and they could only be grateful. The stark contrast between their earlier lives and their adulthood in leading positions in government service must have been a constant reminder of their good fortunes.
Wishing everybody a Happy New Year! Being an optimistic sort, I think that Hungary's economic woes will be less severe than most people predict.