While commentators in the western media were not at all surprised about Fidesz’s electoral sweep, they were shocked at the substantial growth of the neo-Nazi racist party Jobbik. The original name of the organization was Jobb Magyarországért Mozgalom (Movement for a Better Hungary), which eventually was shortened to Jobbik, meaning “Better.”
Almost all the articles dealing with the election mention that “every fifth Hungarian” voted for an extremist party. Of course, this is not quite accurate because only 62% of the eligible voters actually bothered to vote, and it is a well-known fact that Jobbik followers turn out in high numbers. They even surpass Fidesz sympathizers. Nonetheless, this result must be a disappointment to Viktor Orbán, who has been trying for years to convince the West that his party is the guarantee that Hungary will not fall prey to extremists. After all, he argues, Fidesz is a party of the moderate right-of-center. On the far right are the neo-Nazis and on the left the “communists.” Naturally, with the exception of a very small communist party that hasn’t managed to get into parliament in the last twenty-four years, there are no communists in Hungary, a detail that doesn’t seem to bother the propagandists of Fidesz.
Now Orbán has to face the fact that all his efforts at weakening Jobbik’s base have failed. He thought that if he moved his own party farther and farther to the right he would be able “to steal” the Jobbik sympathizers. He showed Jobbik voters that his own government could satisfy all their demands. In his last termViktor Orbán gave numerous unexpected gifts to Jobbik. This was especially true when it came to media policy and questions of unifying the nation across borders. The rehabilitation of the Horthy regime was also originally a Jobbik demand. Moreover, it is possible that Orbán’s pro-Russian stance was inspired by Jobbik.
Despite Orbán’s best efforts, the 10% growth in Jobbik’s voting base came largely from the ranks of former Fidesz voters. On the last day of the campaign in Debrecen Orbán warned his audience that splitting their votes between Fidesz and some other party would weaken the Fidesz cause. Although he didn’t mention the party by name, it is clear that he was thinking of Jobbik. And indeed, once we have all the numbers I suspect we will find that a fairly large number of Fidesz voters split their votes between Fidesz and Jobbik. They voted for a Fidesz candidate locally but chose to use their second vote for the Jobbik list. In the final tally 100,000 more people voted for Jobbik than four years ago.
Jan-Werner Mueller in his article in The Guardian sees a correlation between the growth of Jobbik and Viktor Orbán’s pro-Russian policy. In order to understand the connection between Jobbik and Orbán’s pro-Russian policy we have to go back a bit. The first time I learned of Jobbik’s infatuation with Putin’s Russia was in 2009 when I read a study on “Russia’s Far-Right Friends.” According to this study, Jobbik’s attachment to Russia became evident for the first time during the Russian-Georgian border dispute. It also turned out that Gábor Vona, Jobbik party chairman, made at least two trips to Moscow even before 2009. Jobbik wanted “to open Hungary to eastern markets and to sell Hungarian products to Russia, China or even Iran instead of the European Union.” Jobbik also wanted to expand Hungary’s nuclear capacity and even then, the authors of the study believe, Jobbik had the Russian Rosatom in mind when it came to the Paks power plant’s expansion. Keep in mind that at this point Viktor Orbán had very different ideas about Russia, which he considered to be a danger to Europe and Hungary. It seems that Jobbik managed to convince him otherwise. He saw the light and more or less copied Jobbik’s ideas on Russo-Hungarian relations.
These moves didn’t slow the growth of Jobbik, just as government policies didn’t help the position of the conservatives vis-à-vis the extreme right in interwar Hungary. Orbán followed a policy of appeasement in dealing with MIÉP, the precursor of Jobbik, during his first government (1998-2002) just as he did in handling Jobbik. Give them what they want and perhaps they will be satisfied with Fidesz rule. That strategy didn’t work in the Horthy era as it doesn’t work now.
To be fair to Horthy, there’s appeasement (at a distance) and appeasement (embracing). I think we can safely say that Orbán’s ideas are closer to the extreme right today than were those of any of Horthy’s governments. After all, Orbán is a populist while Horthy and his ministers were hard-core conservatives. The leaders of the extreme right in the 1930s held some “revolutionary ideas” when it came to social policy. Many of the party’s ideologues were outright admirers of the Soviet experiment with its planned economy and egalitarian ideology. Szálasi, for example, was well versed in Marxism. For Horthy all that was anathema. It would have been unimaginable for Horthy to allow his government to conduct a pro-Russian/Soviet policy or to get too cozy with Ferenc Szálasi and his friends. On the other hand, Orbán seems quite willing to take over Jobbik’s ideas–their pro-Russian foreign policy as well as their views on modern Hungarian history–and pass them off as his own.
There is a paper thin line between Jobbik and Fidesz. I know that the western media is preoccupied with the growth of Jobbik, but I think everybody would be better off realizing that the real problem is Fidesz and the system Viktor Orbán created. Jobbik will be in opposition, but Viktor Orbán, who often carries the Jobbik banner, has practically unlimited power. He is the much greater danger, not Gábor Vona.
Jobbik is also benefiting from Orban’s goal to batter the left into oblivion. With the constant Fidesz propaganda bullying and ridiculing leftist and liberal parties, there is practically no choice left for those who are disappointed in Fidesz than to move further to the right, especially in the countryside where Fidesz’s grip on the media and local politics is even stronger. If Fidesz wouldn’t try to bulldoze the left, the disillusioned would go left AND right, not mostly to the right. The Jobbik is the third who benefits.
What I’m trying to say is that without Orban and Fidesz, Jobbik wouldn’t get this strong either.
Also, by implementing Jobbik’s ideas and applying its rhetoric, Fidesz is gradually changing what is acceptable in the political discourse. Sentiments that were unacceptable just a couple of years ago, sound almost normal nowadays… so Fidesz, by courting Jobbik sympathizers, is helping to move Hungarian society further to the right in general.
I am new to this site — the writing and thinking is excellent. I have a question: What do you think the election outcome would have been had Fidesz not suppressed the media? I wonder if it would not have been roughly the same, perhaps Fidesz would have lost a couple of percentage points. My rationale is that if the other parties had campaigned freely, they might have each picked up a couple of percentage points. At the same time, if Orban had campaigned freely, there would have been 5%-6% of the electorate that would have felt better about Fidesz and would have voted for Orban based on his economic record. If Orban had won with 41%-42% of the vote it would have been a more impressive victory than the victory he achieved at 44%. He would have won by a still-large margin and could have said to the world, to the EU, that he still commands a large majority. It is of course an impossible question to answer with certainty, but it is an interesting thought.
As background, I am a third-generation American with an interest in Eastern European history. I have no agenda or ax to grind here, so spare me any name calling. I am interested in where Hungary is going politically and would appreciate any feedback.
“Viktor Orbán is the real danger, not the Hungarian far right”
This seems completely false to me. If this were true the solution was extremely simple. An alliance between MSZP and Jobbik. Would have cleared 47-48% at least putting it over Fidesz’s 44%. Fptp election systems favour the winner in a big way, leading into a clear election victory for the Jobbik MSZP coalition. Even if it is not a formal alliance the strategic withdrawal of candidates outside Budapest by MSZP would have led to the result: Mostly Jobbik wins in rural areas mostly MSZP wins in Budapest.
Fidesz would have been beaten down around 60-70 seats.
Eva you write “Despite Orbán’s best efforts, the 10% growth in Jobbik’s voting base came largely from the ranks of former Fidesz voters.” That makes sense to me, but the study Biro Nagy Andras and Rona Daniel did of Jobbik voters from 2003-2010 indicated 37 percent of the far-right party’s voters said they had previously voted for Fidesz and 21% percent said they were traditionally socialist voters. To see this study go to
Click to access B%C3%ADr%C3%B3%20Nagy-R%C3%B3na_Tudatos%20radikalizmus_v%C3%A9gs%C5%91.pdf
So is your statement Eva that the Jobbik vote came largely from former Fidez voters mean more than 37% came from that voting block and where did this data come from? Also did the number of former socialist voters going to the Jobbik also rise?
As I have indicated in another post I am very concerned the Jobbik are a real force that wants to govern. So while both Viktor Orbán, and Gábor Vona support policies that will clearly not promote a more democratic or inclusive Hungary, I have to say I am more fearful of Gabor Vona and the Magyar Nemzeti Garda that stands behind him. Orbán is not the lesser evil, but I simply fear him and Fidesz less.
Welll, khm, I can’t really say I agree. They are both problems and Orbán is more current, but Jobbik is clearly more dangerous on the long run.
@ Hungary Future: I do not think what could of alter results is the “free media” either. In reality Fidesz covered all the basis to create an uneven playing territory. THe media was just one piece. THe constant misinformation, the arresting of individuals under huge funfair, and then dropping the charges quietly also done damage. How the alteration of the election process to benefit Fidesz resulted in a “winner takes all” outcome cannot be undermined either. THe populist tactics the “don’t listen what I say to get elected” attitude also done damage. So, yes the suppression of opposition media maybe only contributed a few percentage points, but there is also the government news agency that filtered the news to benefit Fidesz. The election cheats (nomadic voters) are sort of under investigation. If each those small element contributed 2%, you can do that math. Off hand we are talking about 10% at least.
I’m afraid you misunderstand the whole thing. It has nothing to do with election strategy.
Yes, this was the case in 2010. I think the present situation is different. People who are disappointed in Fidesz went over to Jobbik.
Jobbik are terrifying, on a daily basis, here in Hungary. Orban is reprehensible in making the monster possible and even normal. But Jobbik are the greater threat. I am certain that a straw poll of minority groups living here in Hungary would overwhelmingly agree with me … and could cite, of course, thousands of examples.
Here’s a bit of a snarky way of talking about this:
The difference between Fidesz and Jobbik is that Jobbik wants to have vigilante groups supporting the party’s agenda. Orban wants to turn state police and other powers into tools of his party’s agenda.
I’m pretty convinced that those who are in power more dangerous than the ones who are not. This is especially so when one sees little difference between the two groups.
There is no evidence for vote splitting of any significance.
Fidesz party list (only domestic) 2.076 million
Fidesz individual district candidates: 2.098 million, +22,000 only
Difference: +22,000 only
Jobbik party list vote: 0.984 million
Jobbik individual district candidates: 0.967, -17,000 only.
Difference: -17,000 only.
Left Alliance party list vote: 1.246 million
Left Alliance individual district candidates: 1.273,
LMP party list vote: 0.252 million
LMP individual district candidates: 0.230,
dictatorship. extremism. mega-corruption.
the rich is the problem.
they take from the state, and deceive the nation.
orban is not the one in charge.
the rich is pulling his strings. he made a pact with them.
there is not enough intelligence in the rest of hungary to dump this leadership.
People won’t dare to say it but Orban’s central success–he’s allure to much of the electorate–is his willingness to bait and torture the jews. This appeals to the anti-semites, outed or closeted, in the country. He’s actions with the German monument is a classic example. He knows that his disdain for the previous agreement, and the nonchalant manner in which he ignored common courtesy and decency would be widely appreciated, and approved of, in the country.
Such behavior seems to tittilate the masses.
Two other points briefly. One, the genteel manner in which the government handled Csatary in comparison to Biszku is blatant. Let’s not forget that the eagle-eyed government failed to question the how and why Csatary was able to get a Hungarian passport.
And finally, Orban’s introduction of the term ‘Christian Hungary’ has met with wide approval.
Whenever I question acquaintances on the topic–how people can abide the blatant unfairness of it–I’m met with the same answer: people don’t really think of it.
But they do. They certainly do.
The platform for Orban’s success is his outright daring in displaying his anti-semitism.
Spot on post. Some thoughts about Jobbik, though.
MIÉP, Jobbik’s precursor was an urban, almost intellectual phenomenon without much national grass-roots support base, though in those days discontent was anyway smaller and the left still had its traditional rural bases.
Orban could not and cannot prevent Jobbik from emerging very simply because Orban cannot conceivably make the economy any better for people in rural areas, i.e. outside Budapest. It is enough if we see the investment figures of the GDP, which anyway mask huge, unproductive state-initiated investments, instead of private investments.
Moreover, the small orderly working class (employees at factories owned by multinationals, most of which came to Hungary for the low wages) now supports Jobbik, given that Fidesz is for many now clearly a party of the “bourgeoisie” as it could be seen from the election night party pictures at Fidesz, with its smartly dressed high-earner celebrities or the now the shoes of Rogan’s deputy mayor or the fact that local top land-owners, the local strongmen are all openly Fidesz clients.
Since Orban will not be able to improve life in the rural areas and Jobbik’s organization will continue to improve, Jobbik will not stop here. But naturally Orban will have to compensate for the lack of economic achievements in ideology, so he will move to the extreme right, the German occupation memorial type stories or the humiliation of the liberals will only strengthen.
Jobbik’s admiration of Russia merits further research. Vona does not seem to me a huge intellectual who could have engineered the Russian turn by himself, a turn which I think is counter-intuitive, given the Soviet occupation of Hungary, Russia’s well-known suppression of both the 1848 and 1956 revolutions, its link with communism. And I think it is counter-intuitive despite some of the ideological history which existed on the pre-1945 far right (but they obviously could not predict the 45-year long Soviet occupation of Hungary) and the clear West-hatred of Jobbik.
It seems clear that Putin’s politics is actually very close to what Jobbik advocates, but the question is did Jobbik realize the similarities on its own and then it was a natural consequence that Vona got to like Russia or, for example, the Russians told Vona and his people around him that Russia can be their natural ally and then the Jobbikniks convinced themselves that that was indeed a good idea? It’s an interesting question given that Jobbik won for the first time (two) seats at the EU elections in 2009, one of which somewhat surprisingly went to a middle-aged IMO-graduate.
The idea of Paks 2 just appeared on the political agenda officially in 2009. Of course internal preparations and dreaming about the untold billions started earlier, but Vona was still not in the Parliament in 2009 so he was not really among the big guys.
If Vona had Rostom in his mind at that time (and during his earlier visits to Russia), which I can well imagine, then that would at least imply that he had already good connections to the Hungarian ‘atomic lobby’ (a formerly Socialist-oriented technocratic group of people many of whom studied in Russia), which I find all the more plausible because Jobbik also advocates the building of a new version of the Bős-Nagymaros dam (pushed by a similar, formerly Socialist-oriented water management lobby, which is crazy about building dams and cannot forgive the ‘communists’ for giving up on Bős). Jobbik’s advocacy for the dam system is now less explicit, probably because if Paks 2 indeed gets built then the issue will take care of itself, as the new reactors could not be operated in practice without the dam Of course the atomic lobby can’t stop telling anybody that they could be operated at least ‘under certain circumstances’, but that is not true, it is a tactics to make sure people do not worry now and when Paks 2 is half-way ready then it will turn out, sorry, new scientific research indicates we need the dams after all, there is just not enough water in the Danube during dry summers. So for whatever reason Jobbik is a big advocate of huge engineering projects and I just don’t see the construction companies, cement producers etc. behind Jobbik, so this looks like the technocratic lobbies to me.
So it is pretty interesting that even as an non-parliamentary party Vona was so well-received in Russia. I guess somebody must have spotted the talent and bet well.
Having said that, people should indeed focus on Fidesz. Although Fidesz may be past its prime, it still has the 2/3s which means omnipotence in Hungary. The 2010-2014 Fidesz era was a warm up. Hungarians should buckle their seatbelts.
@Bertalan66: A resume like this could explain Jobbik’s Russian connection. This guy is one of Jobbik’s EP representative. He was schooled in the Soviet Union in 1986, worked in foreign trade, and worked in Russia for several years. He joined Jobbik in 2005, and according to this Wikipedia entry,Jobbik has become more pro-Russia after he joined.
The Museum project, at a current price tag of HUF 150 billion, is on track.
According to the government resolution made today, the entire project has to be finished by March 2018 (i.e. just before the next general elections).
These buildings will be like other concrete structures such as the MÜPA or the National Theatre — and the fidesznik construction companies know how to build concrete structures quickly, so these buildings could be build within 12-16 months. They will be no more complex technically than an office building. Concrete and granite are fantastically easy to use materials.
And the bonus:
Orban can finally move to the Castle District (Palace) and look down on his domain, just so people understand who is below and who is on top.
Now that Hungary has a Mediterranian climate with very hot long summers, and already there is a starting drought in Hungary, Fidesznik land oligarchs will receive state-sponsored (specially managed by the Ministry of Interior) public irrigation water — for free.
Never mind that ground water levels uniformly fell by many meters all over Hungary in the last decades as there is much less precipitation (especially snow) and the weather is also warmer. And it is a double whammy: because if there is no rain, there is usually more sun which makes the drying effect much stronger (the number of non-rainy, but cloudy days which at least did not dry the land that much decreased).
But who cares about the environment and sustainability when there are giant chunks of land owned/controlled by Fideszniks and such land owners form the local backbone of the rural Fidesz elite? And mind you, the Hungarian agriculture is based on the most basic wheat and corn monocultures which are easiest to operate.
But the local land-owner oligarchs have now a strong lobby (including the Orban family itself and its friends and strohmen) so they will receive the water for free. Which is all the more remarkable because that kind of industrial wheat/corn production would be profitable in Hungary even without EU subsidies and the input of free water. But profits are never enough.
It is also a great reminder what would happen if Hungary had locally sourced oil or gas (there is still some, but the sources are in their final days). Russia, Nigeria, Venezuela.
Great discussion here.
I agree with Eva to the extent that seeing Jobbik as a discrete entity is probably unhelpful – it is like a mysterious new tree-trunk springing up right next to an existing one – same soil, same roots, and the health of the senior entity largely determines the health of the junior. Whilst racism is a large problem in Hungary, there’s nothing intrinsically fascistic about Hungarians, who have a tendency, if anything, towards going with whatever’s going on at any time.
Jobbik has been deliberately cultivated, yet the internal culture is more cohesive than Fidesz’s – and the appeal to young people is inexplicably high. There is every indicator that the party will grow with its young supporters. I don’t understand how Eva seems so relaxed about Jobbik – they are a competent political movement aimed at bringing young people into a fascist intellectual world. Poisonous.
A new low for a museologist.
Orban’s rucksack (2006-2014) will be exhibited in the Hungarian National Museum!
“”This will be the first object from Viktor Orban”, said Vilmos Gal chief museologist”
Rakosi would have envied Orban…
So Hungary will have probably in the near future only the choice between the pest and the cholera?
The question is how much of Jobbik’s ideology was internalized by Orbán and his ilk. There are those liberals like Bálint Magyar who believe:”Whereas the leaders of Fidesz are not antisemites and their target is not “the Jew”, they pander to antisemites” (Hungarian Spectrum 2014-02-13)
Whereas the Historian Krisztián Ungváry sees no great difference in ideology between Fidesz and Jobbik, however points out political competion between the two parties.
I agree with the following statement of Bálint Magyar: “However, it is their unexcusable sin that they have legitimized feelings of antisemitism and racism as well as allowed to use the language that expresses such feelings. In a campaign to reach out to extremist voters they reproduce them in expanded numbers and occasionally build the representatives of radical right-wing ideology into state institutions.” The historian Sándor Szakály is a good example for this statement. He was nominated by Orbán to head the new nacional History rewriting institute “Veritas”.
Karl Marx writes in his “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon”: Hegel says somewhere that great historic facts and personages recur twice. He forgot to add: “Once as tragedy, and again as farce”. One thing is sure, Viktor Orbán is not like Miklós Horthy, for Horthy was never a funtionary of KISZ.
Let us hope that it will not end in Hungary again as tragedy.
“Let us hope that it will not end in Hungary again as tragedy.”
Too late for that already: the tragedy is already in the great numbers of immigrants; and we can speculate that it’s the ‘best and the brightest’ who are leaving. And they won’t be back once they compare the free, west world with the closeted mindset of once-loved, Hungary.
I am wondering if deep down, Orbán is not annoyed by Jobbik’s success and will start going after them one way or another. Some commentators wrote just weeks before the elections that Fidesz aimed its campaign at the left-wing coalition and ignored Jobbik’s rise in the polls; only to react in the last few days but too late to regain some of Jobbik’s votes.
OT, fyi for Hungarian speakers. The new, ‘consolidated’ fidesznik kurucinfo aimed at under 35 urban people is here written by reliable hardcore fideszniks (the chief editor is apparently son of the deputy chief editor of magyar nemzet, fidesz’ mouthpiece): oxox.hu.
Gazsi Orbán the only son of Viktor Orban already likes the site on facebook, so the official seal of approval has been issued.
With great articles like “Bajnai shat in his pants” and with outright lies, the young fideszniks which includes all people under 35 who are not jobbikniks, will finally have an own medium.
Mind you Fidesz is very smart about the media, it’s not enough that they own virtually every print and electronic medum (except for some limited reach internet media), they want to own the internet too. Note also that the left is complaining about the lack of unbiased media, but it did not even start any new blog-like site. The left is just clueless.
“… shortened to Jobbik, meaning ‘Better’.”
Whether intentional or not, the term is actually a clever play on words: “jobbik” can mean “the better one” and/or “the ones on the right.”
I think it’s a moot point to say that either Fidesz or Jobbik is more dangerous. They are both dangerous and symptomatic of a deeper malaise in Hungarian society. And they will both be with us for quite some time to come, I’m afraid. For better or worse.
Although they could never win an outright majority, Jobbik is probably more dangerous politically and socially in the long term, as they have many kindred spirits – and therefore an international network of organized mutual support – throughout Europe. Orbán’s Fidesz is a kleptocratic one-off with no real friends or opposite numbers anywhere, deftly manipulating the legislative process with their two-thirds majority.
Once again, Hungarians have come to the proverbial fork in the road and, once again, they may have chosen the road to disaster.
jobbik= the better [out of two]
rosszabbik= the worse [out of two]
Final numbers about the “Transylvanian” votes are out.
There were 128,712 accepted outer envelopes.
Another 20% of the outer envelopes were thrown away without checking the votes.
Origin of the accepted envelopes:
e-Landia: 35.66% (oh, the land of mystery)
All other places: 5.41%
The “Transylvanian” votes gave Orban 1.44 seats in Parliament. (This number will change slightly on April 12).
Think twice before laughing!
Next time, there will be 2 or 3 times as many “Transylvanian” votes.
Let me remind you, that a registration lasts for 10 years – people
who registered this year do not have to register in the next two elections.
Every time s/he votes, the 10 year clock is reset.
What if a voter dies in Transylvania or in e-Landia?
Nobody would notify the Hungarian Election Office.
The Office is not even allowed to erase a dead person from the registry.
They can erase someone from the registry of “külhoni választópolgár”s only
if s/he has not voted for 10 years, loses her/his citizenship, or a court
takes it away.
Destruction of evidence by early July:
268. § A levélben szavazók névjegyzékének adatait a szavazást követő kilencvenedik nap utáni első munkanapon törölni kell.
Easy altering of ballots:
275. § (3) A levélben szavazás listás szavazólapjának mérete és kialakítása eltérhet a szavazóhelyiségben használt szavazólaptól. A levélben szavazás szavazólapja bélyegzőlenyomat nélkül érvényes.
This is a needlessly inflammatory assessment, vintage Eva, kind of sour grapes. Angela Merkel warmly congratulated Orban, so did Dennis A. Ross, American Senator. Donot forget, the People are always right and the People have spoken in Hungary.
Rate of processing of the outer envelopes:
March 31: 11,202 – accepted as valid: 75.54%
April 01: 0
April 02: 17,852 – accepted as valid: 81.03%
April 03: 21,601 – accepted as valid: 80.39%
April 04: 22,797 – accepted as valid: 80.73%
April 05: 21,849 – accepted as valid: 81.63%
April 05: 14,504 – accepted as valid: 78.89%
April 06: 0
April 07: 0
April 08: 8,100 – accepted as valid: 83.21%
April 09: 20,513 – accepted as valid: 83.58%
April 10: 16,206 – accepted as valid: 83.22%
??: 4,030: – – accepted as valid: ??
Fidesz: 95.49% – Bravo.
On Saturday, officials will count an extra 3.5% votes, i.e. 2 times 160,000 votes
About 47,000 ballots from the 1 unopened urn in each of the 106 districts
Exactly 24,119 ballots form the embassies.
About 90,000 ballots from the nomadic voters (3/4 * 120,552)
The nomadic votes were the easiest to compromise between April 6 and April 12.
We’ve often joked about Fidesz and its cronies being like North Korea (Magyar TV eg is horrible in its adolation of Kim, sorry Orbán), but these numbers like 95% are really ridiculous …
The German government speaker said:
“Die Bundesregierung forderte Orban auf, besonderen Wert auf die Einhaltung der Grundwerte zu legen. Regierungssprecher Steffen Seibert sprach in Berlin von einer “besonderen Verantwortung”, die möglicherweise gewonnene Zwei-Drittel-Mehrheit mit “Augenmaß, Zurückhaltung und Sensibilität” zu nutzen.”
This is not a warm maeesage – but a warning!
It tells a lot that the prime minister’s office did not release the full text of the letter. It posted only the MTI “summary” of the letter.
First of all, the congratulation came only four days after the election. She had to congratulate Orbán but the lateness of this letter tells a lot. Then here are the following sentences: “the large majority carries a special responsibility to use it soberly and sensitively. In doing so, you can continue to count on Germany as a reliable partner in Europe.”
The message is clear Orban either acts responsibly and Germany will be a reliable partner or else. And this is only the MTI summary. MTI is not a reliable news agency anymore.
Overtime payments to Orban’s bodyguard & commando units (TEK) taht were set up in 2010.
2010: 0.028 billion HUF to 217 people (only September to December)
2011: 0.188 billion HUF to 435 people
2012: 0.366 billion HUF to 638 people
2013: 0.627 billion HUF to 963 people
We can also observe the continuous enlargement of Orban’s commando units from the data.
Uhhh You are scary. In North Korea the people spoke too. THey also spoke in Germany prior to wwii, as well as in Hungary.
Fear, cheat, manipulation, lies, and propaganda goes long way, as canning the rules. Often governments, like Orban’s Fidesz does not use its tools to work for the people, but uses the people to work for them. Do not mix up the free will and obedience. My dog loves to chase the squirrels, but it is obedient, and will listen to me. She knows that she will get a treat when she retreats, and knows she will get the sprinkler go off if she does not.
The 95% form across the border is a telltale sign! If you do not see that Simon, I am not sure what to say.
The unfair election:
Media opportunities for parties during the week before the election (March 24 to 30, 2014)
Public television programs:
government + Fidesz: 65.3%
United Opposition: 19.2%
Ma reggel (M1):
government + Fidesz: 56.9%
United Opposition: 27.6%
Party representatives live:
government + Fidesz: 72.3%
United Opposition: 11.1%
Ma reggel (M1):
government + Fidesz: 66.7%
United Opposition: 19.0%
Click to access 20140324_0330mag.pdf
News in the public media
(Official data March 17 to 23, the data from the following week is missing):
Parties live in radio news programs.:
News at noon:
government + Fidesz: 75.8%
United Opposition: 17.2%
“Esti kronika” (news in the evening)
government + Fidesz: 56.7%
United Opposition: 16.7%
Click to access 20140317_0323hir.pdf
“The better [out of two]” = “The better one” [in normal unbracketed English]
Dennis A. Ross is actually a member of the U.S. House of Representatives and a Republican from Florida. Not to be confused with Dennis B. Ross, the neoconservative diplomat who served in both Democratic and Republican administrations.
The entire Hungarian society, and the Hungarian Gypsies in particular suffer form the Stockholm syndrome, says Aladar Horvath of the Gypsy Party of Hungary.
I agree with him. Orban and Fidesz gang-raped the Hungarian society, which is still in a state of denial and developed strange feelings towards its captors
“Stockholm syndrome, or capture-bonding, is a psychological phenomenon in which hostages express empathy and sympathy and have positive feelings toward their captors, sometimes to the point of defending and identifying with them. These feelings are generally considered irrational in light of the danger or risk endured by the victims, who essentially mistake a lack of abuse from their captors for an act of kindness.
Stockholm syndrome can be seen as a form of traumatic bonding, which does not necessarily require a hostage scenario, but which describes “strong emotional ties that develop between two persons where one person intermittently harasses, beats, threatens, abuses, or intimidates the other.” One commonly used hypothesis to explain the effect of Stockholm syndrome is based on Freudian theory. It suggests that the bonding is the individual’s response to trauma in becoming a victim. Identifying with the aggressor is one way that the ego defends itself. When a victim believes the same values as the aggressor, they cease to be a threat.
Battered-person syndrome is an example of activating the capture-bonding psychological mechanism.”
Orban also ordered the creation of a “National Creative Institute” along with numerous pseudo-historical institutes.
The first web logo of this new state institution was pilfered form a private journal.
The creativity of stealing public money…
The writing on the plastic sheeting:
“THere is no other country where they build Nazi sculptures!”
Zoltan Lovas, a journalist had to report at the police headquarters, because he wrote on the plastic sheeting of the scaffolding of Orban’s planned Nazi memorial :
“We are not Horthy’s soldiers”.
He was charged with “wall scribbling”. He explains that the plastic sheeting is not wall, and his political opinion is not scribbling.
He was first active and became well-known at the end of the Communist era as an opposition activist.
It turns out that even the Hungarian government’s portal MTI (you know the one that withholds news, mistranslates, etc.) is even under the thumb of Orban. Magyar Nemzet was the only paper that was ALLOWED by Orban to take pictures of him why casting his vote. THe photographer from MTI was forbidden to take photos, and the national news agency had to use the photo taken by the photographer from Magyar Nemzet.
THe question is that now that we know that how distorted the the public media was forced to report on items leading up to the election (tappanch’s comments #38, #39), will those media outlet have to pay a fine? Please recall that ATV was forced to pay a fine because they reported on the opposition party demonstration. THe reasoning at the time was that they are not balanced with reporting on the event.
Orban wants to build that Nazi monument despite the protests of people.
I would not be surprised if the builders received the order to pour concrete during the weekend to create a “fait accompli”. One cannot disassemble concrete only blow it up.
Folks, I tell you an apparent (to you) secret, you lost! Mene tekel……..
What Do you think about the new interview with Krisztián Ungváry?
Yes, Louis, 45 % of the Hungarians which bothered to vote, voted for Fidesz and the other Christian (!) party whose name nobody remembers …
That’s a real win – maybe not for Hungary, but for you!
Since I’m not a Hungarian citizen I didn’t lose – you might even say I won because everything will be cheaper for me with the Forint plunging and people even more willing to work for us bloody foreigners …
But of course my wife’s children lost …
Comments are closed.